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focus in the new agendas was on the depraved 'foreigner' who preyed on the innocence of children in developing countries.; As one media commentator summarized, "The child prostitute has become a potent symbol of touristic excess: the ultimate commodification of humanity in its most vulnerable and innocent form" (Black, 1995: 13)

Local demand

As campaigns to prevent child prostitution and exploitation matured, several agencies, including ECPAT began to recognize that not all problems could be attributed to debauched outside influences. In Olongapo City in the Philippines much of the market for very young prostitutes had been connected to US servicemen, but further research concluded that 50% of customers of the estimated 1000 child prostitutes were locals. Research into the Thai sex industry estimated that Western tourists mainly patronized women above age 18 and that 90% of the demand for 'underage girls' came from locals. NGOs began to develop more sophisticated analyses of what had previous been considered a pedophile problem. The lives of street children emerged as a theme especially in Latin American countries such as Brazil where estimates climbed into 100,000s for the number of children living on the streets or insecure homes. Local demand for young sexual partners of either gender was viewed as the problem for these youngsters rather than necessarily the demands of foreign tourists. Other forms of societal violence and the actions of corrupt officials, the military and the police were also listed as problems by NGOs and journalists. The abduction and murder of street kids in Guatemala, Colombia and Brazil were cited in the media as key examples of what was to become an international scandal. One study into the lives of 143 street children in Guatemala City carried out by Casa Alianza found that commercial sex was a reality for almost all of these young people as a form of survival (Harris 1996). The consequences of life on the street and sexual activity with numerous partners were severe-100 percent of the children reported being sexual abused and 93 percent had previously contracted sexually transmitted diseases including genital herpes, gonorrhea, and scabies. All of the children reported drug use featuring the sniffing of glue and solvents as the drug of choice.

Trafficking in children

Most recently I believe that the hot topic for NGO intervention, media focus and international action lias shifted away from the actions of pedophiles and child prostitution per se to the notion of'trafficking in children'. This trend is best represented by the 1997 name change of ECPAT from End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism to End Child Prostitution,

Child Pornography and the Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes, Trafficking in persons is an ill-defined concept at best but may be considered the brokered movement of persons across state lines or borders (refer to GAATW definition). However, most of the documents and studies that consider the problem of'sexual trafficking in children' define this very broadly to encompass the transportation of children from one place to another. This means that very diverse examples are bundled together under one label obscuring fundamentally different legal concerns. Instances where young Brazilian women are taken to remote villages in the Amazonian mining districts to 'work' in canteens and bars and provide sexual services for local laborers raise different legal, health and human rights concerns than the cases of young Burmese women and girls who are sold by their parents to work in Thai brothels (see Beyer, 1996 and Human Rights Watch, 1993 for case examples)

Recently attention has focused on the fate of young women from Nepal who are tricked into travelling to Indian with the promise of'legitimate' employment. ECPAT has estimated that 200,000 Nepalese women under 16 years of age are to be found in Indian brothels and of these approximately 40,000 are hired against their will. ECPAT contends that entire villages are involved in the trade. Young women are abducted or persuaded to go with brokers by their parents, husbands, relatives and friends. A broker makes approximately $800US when he sells the women to a brothel, an amount that is more than three times the average yearly income in Nepal. The young women work until the brothel owners have recouped the outlay wages and it may takes three years to pay back the debt. If the brothel owner provides food, health case or clothing they expect remuneration. According to a 1995 Asia Watch Report about half of Bombay's 100,000 girl prostitutes are Nepalese girls who are routinely raped, beaten, exposed to HIV/ATDS and kept in brothels against their will as virtual 'sex slaves'. ECPAT also contends that the demand for virgin girls is increasing and the age of girls being trafficked to India is decreasing. The average age in the last decade is said to have fallen from 14-16 years to the present 10-14 years.

Looking at the problem from different perspectives

I have used this brief history of recent ways of speaking about and contextualizing child prostitution and sexual trafficking in children as a way of introducing the debates and some regional concerns including the concept of trafficking. However, some of the reports I have quoted and the figures I have presented are for me problematic and may obscure more than they reveal. Terms such as 'sexual slavery' and 'child prostitution' may initially appear to describe the lives of some of the young women and men I have mentioned) but a closer examination reveals that many of the subjects in the reports do not consider themselves child prostitutes. Several times when researching for this seminar I read that "It is estimated that 1 million children are sold into prostitution around the world' but at no point was I ever fully informed how this figure was calculated.

In order to elucidate my point I would like to share with my own research experience in Australia and to draw on some other examples from research in Peru and Thailand. Before I proceed let me assure you it is not my intention to somehow dismiss abuses to which children and young people are subjected. It is my intention, however, to promote accuracy in reporting and research and to encourage everyone when writing articles about 'child sex' to question right from the start, how is it that we know what we supposedly know to be a fact. I have photocopied some publications and made a short bibliography for follow up about some of the issues I will discuss here.

a. Child prostitution?

In 1995 and 19961 oversaw a research project in Adelaide, South Australia. At that time I was directing a division at the AIDS Council of South Australia which included a sex worker health and rights program. Our research project focused on young homeless people in South Australia with an aim to finding out about the kinds of sexual health risks they faced and how we might improve our HIV prevention work with this group. Many other youth health agencies in South Australia were very concerned that young homeless people were being abused by pedophiles, selling sex to survive on the streets and, as the local newspaper put it that there was a 'child prostitution ring' operating in inner city Adelaide.

We decided to put aside rumor and anecdotal information and investigate the nature and extent of the problem. Rea Tschirren, a project officer at the AIDS Council, interviewed 106 young homeless people using a survey which guaranteed their confidentiality and provided them with a way of indicating whether or not they had had sex for favors which included accommodation, food, clothing, safety, drugs or transport. We deliberately did not refer to this as 'prostitution' in our survey because we felt that this would be prejudging the data. We wanted to let the young people describe themselves and to reveal what their needs were rather than imposing our own values and judgements about their behavior. Our research revealed that one third of the young people interviewed had engaged in sex for favors and another 10 percent said that they would consider doing so in the future. The young people who had engaged in sex for favors exhibited some specific health problems relating to drugs and alcohol and depression. Attempts at suicide were common for all the young people interviewed, but young people who had engaged in sex for favors were twice as likely to have attempted suicide than those who had not engage in this behavior.

An important elements that emerged from our research was that young people who engaged in sex for favors rarely defined themselves as 'prostitutes' or linked their activities to work in the sex industry per se. The term prostitution, for all but one person interviewed, was not a way a describing their reality. Rea and I published about this in the National AIDS Bulletin in Australia where we subtitled our article "Prostitution is something other kids do." Heather Montgomery in her case study of a small village next to a tourist resort in Thailand had a similar research experience (see Montgomery, 1998). She discovered that the children and young people who engaged in what could be termed 'prostitution' with tourists as a way of supporting their families, considered it a deep insult to be called a 'child prostitute.' They would refer to their activities in other ways including 'going out for fan with foreigners', 'catching a foreigner' or even 'having guests.'

If young people are uncomfortable with the term 'child prostitution' and are therefore likely to avoid speaking to service providers if this term is used, then its usefulness in NGO program work should be questioned. Clearly many of the young people interviewed in our study required

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